You can buy single adult tickets for $27, with discounts for seniors, military and children. These must be purchased online beforehand. The farm also offers season passes for $57, also with similar discounts, that are good every day the farm is open, and include special parking. Regular parking is free. The farm also offers other events including a sweet pea maze (included with admission), $8 wagon tours, gold sluice mining, wine tasting, crafts, yoga, sound baths and more at additional cost.

The Flower Fields at Carlsbad Ranch are located at 5704 Paseo Del Norte, Carlsbad. Learn more and buy tickets: theflowerfields.com

That churn intensified in the races final hours. Early Saturday, City Councilmember Nithya Raman entered the contest just hours before the noon cutoff. Late Friday night, Los Angeles County Supervisor Lindsey Horvath announced she would stay out of the race, closing the door on another long-speculated candidacy.

As of late Friday afternoon, 38 candidates had filed declarations of intention to run for mayor and challenge Mayor Karen Bass, who is seeking a second term in the June 2 primary election, according to the City Clerks office. More developments were expected before the filing period closed at noon Saturday.

The unusually crowded field reflects broader tensions facing the city ' from wildfire recovery and homelessness to public safety, affordability and trust in government ' as well as lingering questions about Bass leadership after a year marked by crisis.

Much of the late movement followed renewed criticism of Bass handling of the Palisades fire, which prompted shifting calculations among potential challengers and a flurry of activity across the field.

Raman, who represents the Fourth District and chairs the City Councils homeless and housing committee, has emerged as one of the citys most progressive voices on housing and homelessness. First elected to the Council in 2020, her current term runs through 2028, meaning she would retain her council seat even if unsuccessful in a mayoral bid.

'Los Angeles is at a breaking point, and people feel it in the most basic ways,' Raman said after filing her paperwork Saturday.

Raman said housing costs are pushing families out of Los Angeles, the homelessness system lacks clear accountability, and residents dont feel safe in their neighborhoods.

'Los Angeles needs a mayor whos going to take responsibility for the whole system,' Raman said. 'Whos going to demand accountability across departments, whos going to prepare for emergencies before they happen, whos going to communicate honestly when things go wrong, and fix what fails.'

Horvath, by contrast, ruled out a run late Friday night, saying she would instead focus on her reelection campaign for the Board of Supervisors.

'Im choosing not to run for mayor and instead to focus on my reelection for Los Angeles County Supervisor,' Horvath said in a video posted on X at 9:53 pm Friday, 'not because Im stepping away from a challenge. Im stepping even more into the one weve already started.'

Her decision followed a similar reversal earlier in the week by billionaire and real estate developer Rick Caruso, who ruled out a bid Thursday, just one day after publicly signaling he was reconsidering another run.

'Rick is incredibly moved by the outpouring of support but reached an earlier decision in a thoughtful process and it stands,' a spokesperson said in an emailed statement. 'He will not be a candidate for mayor.'

Caruso, who lost to Bass in 2022 after a well-funded campaign, had briefly reopened the possibility of a rematch after reporting by the Los Angeles Times this week alleged that Bass directed changes to a Los Angeles Fire Department after-action report on the Palisades fire in ways that downplayed failures by the city and the department ' an allegation Bass has repeatedly denied.

His decision closed the door on a rematch that many political observers viewed as one of the most formidable challenges to the incumbent.

That same day, former Los Angeles Unified School District Superintendent Austin Beutner announced he was ending his campaign following the death of his 22-year-old daughter. Beutner, who led the nations largest school district from 2018 to 2021, had been widely seen as another serious contender with the ability to force a runoff in the June primary.

In his statement departing the race, Beutner said Los Angeles is 'a special place”, but warned that 'every day its becoming less affordable, less safe and a more difficult place to live,' arguing that the citys challenges will require new ideas and leadership capable of implementing changes.

Elsewhere this week, tech executive and homelessness nonprofit co-founder Adam Miller moved to enter the race, adding to an already crowded field.

But Bass remains the races central figure ' and its most scrutinized.

Her reelection bid comes after a first term defined by a series of overlapping crises, including homelessness, the immigration enforcement raids, public safety concerns, and the Palisades fire that erupted last January, killing 12 people and destroying thousands of homes.

Bass has faced renewed criticism over the citys handling of the fire. She was out of the country on a diplomatic trip when it ignited, and the response has since been the subject of multiple investigations, including a mayor-ordered examination of the fire departments handling of the earlier Lachman fire, which later reignited into the Palisades fire.

Reporting by the L.A. Times this week alleged that Bass raised concerns that an early draft of the fire departments after-action report could expose the city to legal liability, leading to changes that softened criticism of the city and the departments response. Bass has vehemently denied the allegations, saying she only asked that the report be accurate on issues such as weather conditions and budget.

In a statement sent to reporters, the mayors office dismissed the reporting as 'muckraking journalism,' emphasizing that Bass has publicly criticized the fire response, replaced LAFD leadership and called for additional accountability.

Beyond the fire, Bass has pointed to progress on homelessness as a central pillar of her reelection case, highlighting the Inside Safe initiative and declines in street homelessness in some parts of the city. Critics, however, argue that encampments remain widespread and that long-term housing production has not kept pace with demand.

On public safety, Bass has sought to strike a balance between reform and enforcement, backing expanded police hiring while also emphasizing alternatives to incarceration. She has also drawn praise from some quarters for her response to federal immigration raids, publicly confronting Trump administration officials and positioning herself as a defender of immigrant communities.

At the same time, the Palisades fire and ongoing concerns over affordability and quality of life have continued to shape the political environment as the field of challengers takes shape.

But while Bass has taken a political hit following the Palisades fire, Zev Yaroslavsky, a former Los Angeles County supervisor and longtime political observer, cautioned against reading too much into approval ratings in a crowded field.

'Even if she’s not as popular as she’d like to be, once she’s got a real live opponent or opponents, she will be measured against those opponents, not against the ideal,' he said in an interview Friday. 'And I wouldn’t write her political obituary.'

Beyond Bass, the race now includes a crowded and ideologically diverse field of challengers who have already filed to run.

Rae Chen Huang, a housing rights advocate and ordained pastor, has emerged as one of the most left-leaning candidates in the race, calling for sweeping changes to the citys housing, public safety and governance systems. Her campaign has emphasized aggressive affordability measures, tenant protections and a more transparent City Hall, while leaning heavily on grassroots organizing and progressive voter outreach.

Spencer Pratt, a reality television personality who lost his home in the Palisades fire, has also filed to run for mayor, framing his candidacy around frustration with the citys response to the wildfire and broader concerns about quality of life and the lack of infrastructure. Pratt has argued that the disaster exposed systemic failures in preparedness and accountability, and has cast himself as an outsider voice for residents who feel let down by City Hall.

Adam Miller, a tech executive and nonprofit founder, also entered the race this week, pitching himself as an outsider to elective office with experience spanning business, technology and homelessness policy. Miller founded and led Cornerstone OnDemand, a workforce education company he took public before it was sold in 2021 for $5.2 billion, and later launched Better Angels, a nonprofit focused on homelessness prevention, services and housing.

Beyond the higher-profile contenders, dozens of lesser-known candidates have filed paperwork to run, underscoring the unusually crowded nature of the race. Those filings include Asaad Alnajjar, an engineering manager with the City of Los Angeles; Tish Hyman, a musician and entrepreneur; and Juanita Lopez, a political scientist ' among candidates from a wide range of professional and civic backgrounds.

Yaroslavsky said the coming months will determine whether any challenger can gain traction.

'An election is a job interview,' he said. 'The people are the employers, and theyre going to take a look at this interview, and theyre going to say: ‘who do I really trust, who do I really believe has what it takes, and that’s what the campaign is about.'

After the deadline passes, no new candidates may enter the race or withdraw their declarations. Candidates must still qualify for the ballot by submitting nominating petitions by March 4, and may withdraw later by pulling those petitions by March 9. The City Clerks office said the current list reflects those who have declared their intent to run, not the final, certified ballot.

The official list of candidates will be released after the petition period ends on March 4, per the City Clerks office.

JACKSONVILLE, Fla. ' In 2019, after a routine vaccination, 11-year-old Keithron Thomas felt a sharp pain in his shoulder and down his arm. His mother, Melanie Bostic, thought it would go away after a few days. But days turned to weeks, then months, and years.

Bostic learned of a federal program designed to help people who suffer rare vaccine reactions.

The Vaccine Injury Compensation Program was created in 1986 after a flood of vaccine injury lawsuits drove drugmakers from the market. Congress aimed to offer a faster and more generous path to compensation for people injured by vaccines, while shielding manufacturers from liability. The VICP, commonly known as vaccine court, is taxpayer-funded. The government pays any award to claimants as well as attorneys fees.

Bostic filed a claim in 2022 for compensation to cover her sons spiraling medical bills. She then contacted the Carlson Law Firm, which referred her to Arizona-based attorney Andrew Downing ' who now serves as a senior adviser to Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

Downing declined to comment and HHS did not respond to requests for comment for this article.

Downing, who has represented hundreds of plaintiffs in vaccine court in Washington, D.C., signed on to take their case, according to a contract reviewed by KFF Health News. They agreed Downing would pursue the claim before the VICP.

Bostic shared documents and medical records as he requested them. Months passed as she waited for news on her sons case.

After several months of making court filings, Downing told her it was time to opt out of the vaccine program and sue the drugmaker. When she refused to opt out, he withdrew from the case.

The government paid Downing $445 an hour for representing Bostic, which is typical for program attorneys with his experience, according to court records.

Three years later, Bostic said, she hasnt received a dime for her sons injury. Thomas, now 18, endures debilitating pain that doctors say may never go away.

Rather than help them work through the program, Bostic feels that Downing steered them away from it and toward a lawsuit against the manufacturer. The VICP ultimately dismissed her case.

Bostic was furious that the court paid Downing anything.

'Yall couldve gave that to me for my son,' she said. 'How dare yall.'

In Business With Washington

In June, Kennedys HHS also awarded Downings law firm, Brueckner Spitler Shelts, a sole-source federal contract to consult on an overhaul of the VICP. The contract has grown to $410,000. Downing is the only attorney listed on the firms website who has practiced in vaccine court.

Kennedy has routinely questioned vaccine safety and called the VICP 'broken,' saying it shields drug companies from some liability 'no matter how negligent they are.' As a personal injury lawyer, Kennedy previously spearheaded civil litigation against vaccine maker Merck.

Downing and about a dozen other lawyers have transferred hundreds of clients from the vaccine program to civil suits, where the financial rewards ' for patients and their lawyers ' could run far higher, according to a KFF Health News analysis of court records and program data. Theyve collected millions of taxpayer dollars in attorneys fees from vaccine court while launching precisely what it was designed to avoid: lawsuits against vaccine manufacturers.

This shift in legal strategy has fueled Kennedys crusade against Merck, and it could end up hurting some vaccine-injured clients, several experts said.

University of California Law-San Francisco professor Dorit Reiss has studied vaccine court for over a decade and has tracked the rise of anti-vaccine forces in American politics. She said VICP attorneys who are also suing vaccine makers have 'incentives to direct more people' to lawsuits, 'when it might not be in their best interest.'

A Delicate Balance

Kennedy has criticized the VICP as a barrier to accountability. But for Bostic, vaccine court offered an opportunity to hold the government to its promise of caring for casualties of widespread immunization.

Like any medication, vaccines can have side effects. Serious reactions to routine shots are rare, but for the unlucky few who bear this burden, the government promises recourse through its administrative program.

Vaccine court aims to strike a balance between protecting public health and helping individuals who may pay its price. The no-fault program allows claimants with vaccine-related injuries to get help without showing that the vaccine maker did anything wrong, even when the evidence doesnt meet courtroom standards.

The program has made more than 12,500 awards, totaling roughly $5 billion in compensation. Historically, nearly half of claims have been resolved with some kind of award.

If patients arent satisfied with the outcome or dont get a ruling within 240 days, they may leave the administrative program and sue the vaccine maker in civil court. Plaintiffs could potentially win larger awards. Lawyers could obtain higher fees, which they cant in vaccine court.

But winning a civil suit is far more difficult, in part because plaintiffs have a greater burden of showing the vaccine caused their injury and that the maker was at fault. Since the VICP was created, no vaccine injury lawsuit has won a judgment in regular court, records show.

That hasnt stopped some lawyers from trying. After the requisite 240 days, they have transferred hundreds of VICP claims into civil litigation against HPV vaccine manufacturer Merck, the KFF Health News analysis found.

The lawyers who represented those claims include Downing and other VICP attorneys with ties to Kennedy, court records show. Those include Kennedy advisers and people who work in the law office of his longtime personal lawyer Aaron Siri or with Childrens Health Defense, the anti-vaccine outfit Kennedy founded, as well as a former Kennedy co-counsel in suits against Merck over its HPV vaccine, Gardasil.

Downing, whose law firm biography describes him as 'one of the preeminent litigation attorneys in the Court of Federal Claims,' has not won an HPV vaccine injury claim in the past five years, records show. Vaccine court did compensate dozens of HPV vaccine claims in that time, but most ' including nearly all of Downings ' were withdrawn upon reaching the opt-out period.

VICP data and court records show that over the past five years, Downing and other lawyers withdrew roughly 400 Gardasil claims from vaccine court before a ruling was issued. The plaintiffs received nothing from the program. Hundreds of these cases joined the litigation against Merck, according to court records.

Once the opt-out period arrived in Bostics case, Downing informed her that he was preparing to withdraw her sons claim and move the case back to the original law firm for a lawsuit against Merck.

'That,' he wrote in an email, 'was the plan all along.'

Fighting for Compensation

Thomas, who hopes to enroll in community college and become a computer programmer, has intermittent numbness in his fingers and stabbing sensations in his arm nearly every day. The pain often radiates across his back or up his neck, and hes developed migraines. Once an active kid who dreamed of playing basketball professionally, he now spends his time playing video games and trying to sleep during lulls in his pain.

Bostics claim on behalf of her son made him one of about 1,000 people who have filed with vaccine court for HPV vaccine injuries. More than 200 have received compensation ' just over one for every million shots given. Court records show program awards were typically $50,000 to $100,000, with some also covering past medical bills or future health care expenses.

Richard Hughes IV, a health care attorney and former pharmaceutical executive who teaches vaccine law at George Washington University Law School, reviewed Thomas records and said cases like his were exactly what the vaccine program was designed to address.

'That just seems straightforward,' Hughes said of Thomas claim. 'That should have gotten compensated.'

Bostic wanted the federal agencies that had approved and recommended Gardasil to answer for her sons injuries. The single mother hoped compensation from the program would allow Thomas to see specialists including neurologists, afford natural treatments, and enroll in physical therapy.

'He would have had the best of the best health care,' she said.

When Downing took their case, Bostic said, he told her during a phone call that vaccine courts $250,000 limit on pain and suffering was too low for her sons injury. Bostic said Downing advised she could get more money by suing Merck, though that could take longer.

'I said, ‘No, that will take years. My son needs help now,' Bostic recalled.

Bostic said she told Downing she wanted a fund set up for Thomas health care as soon as possible.

In the following weeks, Bostic sent paperwork to Downings office but had difficulty getting in touch with him, email and text messages show. Downings billing records show a gap in his work on the case from late September until mid-November.

In November 2022, Downing emailed Bostic, 'The opt out date for K.T.s case is set for April 23, 2023. At that point, we will be in a position to opt K.T.s case out of the Vaccine Program and move the case back over to the Carlson Law Firm for handling in the Merck litigation.'

Bostic said she was confused at the time by that language. But she remembers being emphatic in a follow-up phone call with Downing, repeatedly telling him she would not opt out.

After that, Bostic said, she didnt hear from Downing for months despite calling his office and leaving messages with secretaries.

Downings billing records show that he and his paralegals spent fewer than nine hours on Bostics case in that stretch. This included time spent requesting, reviewing, and filing medical records, as well as drafting and filing extension requests. The billing records did not include any communication with Bostic during that time.

The court granted each of Downings extension requests, pushing back the deadline a month at a time.

In April 2023, Downing sent Bostic an email noting that 240 days had passed, so he could drop their government claim and they could sue Merck.

'Gardasil cases do not receive very fair treatment in the Vaccine Program,' Downing wrote, adding that he would withdraw as her attorney if Bostic stayed in the program.

Bostic chose to stick with vaccine court, later telling the vaccine court judge by email that shed advised her attorney 'I was not trying to become a millionaire.'

That exchange of emails in April is when Bostic said she learned Downing was already representing plaintiffs in lawsuits over Gardasil. The litigation encompassed hundreds of other patients who ' most of them under Downings counsel ' had filed VICP claims in recent years.

Running out the 240-day clock, critics say, is allowed but subverts the programs intent.

Some legal experts criticize the way Downing handled Bostics case.

'They trusted him to file the VICP case,' Reiss said. 'Its his job to zealously advocate for his clients. In this case, his clients want to go through VICP. Its his job to fight for them in VICP, not to wait for 240 days.'

When Downing joined HHS as a senior adviser to Kennedy, court records show, he handed off his remaining vaccine court cases to other attorneys in firms involved in the litigation against Merck.

A New Approach

The vaccine program has long faced criticism for giving claimants too little, too late. Even VICP advocates see the need for reform, with eight officials deciding a growing backlog of claims, driving up wait times. The cap on pain and suffering payments has not changed since 1986. But the court can award further compensation like a fund for lifetime medical care that can reach millions.

Most vaccine-injured individuals are better off in the administrative program than in civil litigation, legal experts said.

Renée Gentry, director of GWUs Vaccine Injury Litigation Clinic and a founding member of the Vaccine Injured Petitioners Bar Association, has represented hundreds of families alleging vaccine injuries. Most of them, she said, arent focused on big payouts; rather, they 'want their kid taken care of or they want to be taken care of.'

For claims that often fail in vaccine court, however, Gentry said a lawsuit may be the best option. According to Gentry, HPV vaccine claims like Thomas are particularly challenging to win in the VICP.

'If youre not going to win, then you want those clients to have at least an opportunity at something,' she said.

For Mark Sadaka, a prominent vaccine court lawyer representing some claims in Merck litigation, sending clients to regular court is a last resort.

Sadaka said certain Gardasil injury claimants, such as those alleging mental rather than physical harm, might be better off in litigation. But by sticking it out in the VICP, Sadaka has won HPV vaccine injury claims that were the first of their kind, including for narcolepsy, alopecia, and even a deadly arrhythmia.

'Hes going to get taken care of for the rest of his life,' Sadaka said of his client who won compensation for narcolepsy in 2023. 'And he doesnt have to pay me anything.'

Sadaka, like all program lawyers, gets an hourly rate from the VICP. He said that he could make much more money representing the same claims in traditional litigation, since he could get a cut of any awards.

'Its a better thing for me to file in regular court and get a higher fee, but for the client, sometimes it makes sense, sometimes it doesnt,' Sadaka said. 'My role is to explain both sides in gross detail for them and give them as much information as possible so they can make an informed decision.'

According to Sadaka, some lawyers in the VICP automatically advise their clients to leave vaccine court and file a lawsuit.

'If they can extract settlements, theyre going to be very happy to put that money in their pockets,' Hughes noted.

Winning a lawsuit or reaching a major settlement could also spell trouble for nationwide vaccine access, replaying the events that gave rise to vaccine court in the 1980s.

Some vaccine lawyers and policymakers believe Kennedy and his colleagues might welcome a return to those days.

'If they can bring down the system, thats a feather in their cap,' Hughes said.

Lawyers cannot win contingency fees in vaccine court. They get paid for time spent on reasonable claims whether they win or lose. Downing made more than $1 million representing clients before the VICP in recent years, according to court records.

A January VICP report shows that since fiscal year 2020, the program has paid scores of attorneys about $280 million ' including over $43 million for cases they did not win.

In each of the last two fiscal years, lawyers got roughly $9 million for VICP claims in which their clients got nothing. That was more than the program had ever previously paid to attorneys for unsuccessful claims, according to vaccine court data.

‘Learning How To Cope

After discovering her attorney would not pursue VICP compensation for her son, Bostic decided to advocate for Thomas herself.

'Please help me,' she wrote in a letter to the court.

VICP staff gave Bostic extra time to find a new lawyer and gather records.

The following months proved difficult for the family. Bostic was hospitalized with a life-threatening condition. Her mothers health declined. She was laid off and lost her familys health insurance.

By the time Bostic could take Thomas to a pediatric neurologist to get medical records for his VICP case, she said, the doctor had moved hours away to Orlando.

Bostic repeatedly missed deadlines and failed to communicate with program staff as required, court records show. Emails, docket entries, and letters suggest she may have misunderstood some court orders and not received others.

When Thomas medical records remained incomplete for another year, the presiding official dismissed Bostics claim, writing that while he had sympathy for what she and her son had endured, 'the case cannot be allowed to remain pending indefinitely.'

Thomas said he can no longer play basketball with friends. He cant even help his mother carry groceries into the house.

'I got to live with this, and theres pain,' he said.

Bostic now works from home as a bank fraud analyst. With an income just above the cutoff for government assistance, she puts in overtime in hopes of affording health insurance for Thomas and her six other children.

'People are asking, ‘Hows your son doing?' Bostic said. 'I normally say, ‘Still the same. We just learning how to cope with it.'

Methodology

The KFF Health News analysis began with court records for cases in the U.S. Court of Federal Claims, which includes vaccine court. We first identified all cases since 2006 (when the HPV vaccine was introduced) in which the 'nature of suit' field explicitly mentioned human papillomavirus, or in which 'nature of suit' was categorized as 'other' vaccine injury/death and the case text included the word 'papillomavirus.' The latter made up about 10% of identified cases, mostly claims filed before the HPV vaccine was added to the program or claims involving multiple vaccines. We cross-referenced the number of cases with data from VICP reports to verify completeness.

After identifying the relevant vaccine court cases, we pulled these claims filing and closing dates and took the difference to find the number of days that each case spent in vaccine court. To estimate total attorneys fees awarded for these claims, we added the fee amounts recorded in dozens of the VICP rulings and derived a minimum estimate based on the number of such cases.

We then searched federal court records for litigation over Mercks HPV vaccine, Gardasil, and pulled the names of the plaintiffs and attorneys involved. To gauge the scale of claims diverted from the VICP to litigation, we searched for each attorney in the Gardasil-related vaccine court cases and searched for the last name of each plaintiff in the titles of those cases.

©2026 KFF Health News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

Possible risk of autism in children. Dormant cancer cells awakening. Accelerating aging of the brain.

Federal officials in May 2023 declared an end to the national COVID pandemic. But more than two years later, a growing body of research continues to reveal information about the virus and its ability to cause harm long after initial infections resolve, even in some cases when symptoms were mild.

The discoveries raise fresh concerns about the Trump administrations COVID policies, researchers say. While some studies show COVID vaccines offer protective benefits against longer-term health effects, the Department of Health and Human Services has drastically limited recommendations about who should get the shot. The administration also halted Biden-era contracts aimed at developing more protective COVID vaccines.

The federal government is curtailing such efforts just as researchers call for more funding and, in some cases, long-term monitoring of people previously infected.

'People forget, but the legacy of COVID is going to be long, and we are going to be learning about the chronic effects of the virus for some time to come,' said Michael Osterholm, an epidemiologist who directs the University of Minnesotas Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy.

The Trump administration said that the COVID vaccine remains available and that individuals are encouraged to talk with their health providers about what is best for them. The COVID vaccine and others on the schedule of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention remain covered by insurance so that individuals dont need to pay out-of-pocket, officials said.

'Updating CDC guidance and expanding shared clinical decision-making restores informed consent, centers parents and clinicians, and discourages ‘one size fits all policies,' said HHS spokesperson Emily Hilliard.

Although COVID has become less deadly, because of population immunization and mutations making the virus less severe, researchers say the politicization around the infection is obscuring what science is increasingly confirming: COVIDs potential to cause unexpected, possibly chronic health issues. That in turn, these scientists say, drives the need for more, rather than less, research, because over the long term, COVID could have significant economic and societal implications, such as higher health care costs and more demands on social programs and caregivers.

The annual average burden of the diseases long-term health effects is estimated at $1 trillion globally and $9,000 per patient in the U.S., according to a report published in November in the journal NPJ Primary Care Respiratory Medicine. In this country, the annual lost earnings are estimated to be about $170 billion.

One study estimates that the flu resulted in $16 billion in direct health costs and $13 billion in productivity losses in the 2023-2024 season, according to a Dec. 30 report in medRxiv, an online platform that publishes work not yet certified by peer review.

COVIDs Growing Reach

Much has been learned about COVID since the virus emerged in 2019, unleashing a pandemic that the World Health Organization reports has killed more than 7 million people. By the spring of 2020, the term 'long COVID' had been coined to describe chronic health problems that can persist post-infection.

More recent studies show that infection by the virus that causes COVID, SARS-CoV-2, can result in heightened health risks months to more than a year later.

For example, researchers following children born to mothers who contracted the virus while pregnant have discovered they may have an increased risk for autism, delayed speech and motor development, or other neurodevelopmental challenges.

Another study found babies exposed to COVID in utero experienced accelerated weight gain in their first year, a possible harbinger of metabolic issues that could later carry an increased risk for cardiovascular disease.

These studies suggest avoiding severe COVID in pregnancy may reduce risk not just during pregnancy but for future generations. That may be another good reason to get vaccinated when pregnant.

'There are other body symptoms apart from the developing fetal brain that also may be impacted,' said Andrea Edlow, an associate professor of obstetrics, gynecology, and reproductive biology at Harvard Medical School who was involved in both studies. 'We definitely need more research.'

Epidemiologists point to some specific, emerging challenges.

A U.K. study in the New England Journal of Medicine found people who fully recovered from mild COVID infections experienced a cognitive deficit equal to a three-point drop in IQ. Among the more than 100,000 participants, deficits were greater in people who had persistent symptoms and reached the equivalent of a nine-point IQ drop for individuals admitted to intensive care.

Ziyad Al-Aly, a clinical epidemiologist who has studied longer-term health effects from COVID, did the math. He estimated COVID may have increased the number of adults in the U.S. with an IQ of less than 70 from 4.7 million to 7.5 million ' a jump of 2.8 million adults dealing with 'a level of cognitive impairment that requires significant societal support,' he wrote.

'People get COVID-19, some people do fine and bounce back, but there are people who start experiencing problems with memory, cognition, and fuzzy brain,' he said. 'Even people with mild symptoms. They might not even be aware.'

Diane Yormark, 67, of Boca Raton, Florida, can relate. She got COVID in 2022 and 2023. The second infection left her with brain fog and fatigue.

'I felt like if you had a little bit too much wine the night before and youre out of it,' said Yormark, a retired copywriter, who said the worst of her symptoms lasted for about three months after the infection. 'Some of the fog has lifted. But do I feel like myself? Not like I was.'

Data from more than a dozen studies suggests COVID vaccines can help reduce risk of severe infection as well as longer-lasting health effects, although researchers say more study is needed.

But vaccination rates remain low in the U.S., with only about 17% of the adult population reporting that they got the updated 2025-2026 shot as of Jan. 16, based on CDC data.

Trump administration officials led by Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. have reduced access to COVID vaccines despite the lack of any new, substantiated evidence of harm. Though the shots were a hallmark achievement of the first Trump administration, which led the effort for their development, Kennedy has said without evidence that they are 'the deadliest vaccine ever made.'

In May he said on X that the CDC would stop recommending COVID shots for healthy children and pregnant women, citing a lack of clinical data. The Food and Drug Administration has since issued new guidelines limiting the vaccine to people 65 or older and individuals 6 months or older with at least one risk factor, though many states continue to make them more widely available.

The Trump administration also halted almost $500 million in funding for mRNA-based vaccines. Administration officials and a number of Republicans question the safety of the Nobel Prize-winning technology ' heralded for the potential to treat many diseases beyond COVID ' even though clinical trials with tens of thousands of volunteers were performed before the COVID mRNA vaccines were made available to the public.

And numerous studies, including new research in 2025, show COVID vaccine benefits include a reduction in the severity of disease, although the protective effects wane over time.

Following the Findings

Researchers say more and broader support is important because much remains unknown about COVID and its impact on the body.

The growing awareness that, even in mild COVID cases, the possibility exists for longer-term, often undetected organ damage also warrants more examination, researchers say. A study published this month in eBioMedicine found people with neurocognitive issues such as changes in smell or headaches after infection had significant levels of a protein linked to Alzheimers in their blood plasma. EBioMedicine is a peer-reviewed, open-access journal published by The Lancet.

In the brain, the virus leads to an immune response that triggers inflammation, can damage brain cells, and can even shrink brain volume, according to research on imaging studies that was published in March 2022 in the journal Nature.

An Australian study of advanced brain images found significant alterations even among people who had already recovered from mild infections ' a possible explanation for cognitive deficits that may persist for years. Lead study author Kiran Thapaliya said the research suggests the virus 'may leave a silent, lasting effect on brain health.'

Al-Alay agreed.

'We dont know what will happen to people 10 years down the road,' he said. 'Inflammation of the brain is not a good thing. Its absolutely not a good thing.'

That inflammatory response has also been linked to blood clots, arrhythmias, and higher risk of cardiovascular issues, even following a mild infection.

A University of Southern California study published in October 2024 in the journal Arteriosclerosis, Thrombosis, and Vascular Biology found the risk for a major cardiac event remains elevated nearly three years after COVID infection. The findings held even for people who were not hospitalized.

'We were surprised to see the effects that far out' regardless of individual heart disease history, said James R. Hilser, the studys lead author and a postdoctoral fellow at the UCLA David Geffen School of Medicine.

COVID can also reactivate cancer cells and trigger a relapse, according to research published in July in the journal Nature. Researchers found that the chance of dying from cancer among cancer survivors was higher among people whod had COVID, especially in the year after being infected. There was nearly a twofold increase in cancer mortality in those who tested positive compared with those who tested negative.

The potential of the COVID virus to affect future generations is yielding new findings as well. Australian researchers looked at male mice and found that those who had been infected with and then recovered from COVID experienced changes to their sperm that altered their offsprings behavior, causing them to exhibit more anxiety.

Meanwhile, many people are now living ' and struggling ' with the virus after-effects.

Dee Farrand, 57, of Marana, Arizona, could once run five miles and was excelling at her job in sales. She recovered from a COVID infection in May 2021.

Two months later, her heart began to beat irregularly. Farrand underwent a battery of tests at a hospital. Ultimately, the condition became so severe she had to go on supplemental oxygen for two years.

Her cognitive abilities declined so severely she couldnt read, because shed forget the first sentence after reading the second. She also had to leave herself reminders that she is allergic to shrimp or that she likes avocados. She said she lost her job and returned to her previous occupation as a social worker.

'I was the person who is like the Energizer bunny and all of a sudden Id get so tired getting dressed that I had to go back to bed,' Farrand said.

While she is better, COVID has left a mark. She said shes not yet able to run the five miles she used to do without any problems.

©2026 KFF Health News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

So the former Fox News host is deploying a new campaign strategy in the race for California governor: attack fellow Republican candidate Chad Bianco.

During the recent televised debate that featured some of the leading candidates in the gubernatorial contest, Hilton referred to Bianco as a “RINO,” a term that stands for “Republican in name only” and is used to insinuate someone is not a loyal or true Republican.

Hilton also criticized Bianco for kneeling with protesters during tense demonstrations in 2020 in the wake of George Floyd‘s murder. Bianco, in a news interview at the time, said he wanted to get past “this big huge divide, where it’s us vs. them” and agreed with “the concept of this protest” until it was no longer peaceful.

Related: GOP frontrunners in Californias gubernatorial race hail from different worlds

“Chad Bianco has more baggage than LAX,” Hilton said during the debate, referring to his fellow GOP contender as “shifty sheriff.”

This pivot in strategy, Hilton said in an interview after the debate, is all about making it through the primary.

Both Bianco and Hilton have consistently topped polls in the race for governor, while Democrats struggle to break through with a clear frontrunner in the deep blue state. Bianco is 2 percentage points ahead of Hilton in Real Clear Politics’ aggregate of polls, followed by Rep. Eric Swalwell and former Rep. Katie Porter, who trail Hilton by 1.5 and 2 percentage points, respectively.

“The Republican vote is being split between me and Chad Bianco,” Hilton said. That means, he said, there’s a good chance two Democrats will make it through the June election to vie for the governor’s seat in the general election.

“I think our responsibility is that we make sure that we don’t have a split vote and have two Democrats in the top two,” Hilton said. “My job is to do everything I think we can do to avoid that disastrous outcome and get behind one Republican candidate, the strongest one. I think that’s me.”

Election observers say Hilton’s point about splitting the vote isn’t wrong.

“It’s simple math. You can’t get to a plurality or even second most by splitting the Republican vote,” said Matt Lesenyie, an expert in political psychology who teaches at Cal State Long Beach.

“There just aren’t enough Republicans in the state to spare on a candidate with no chances (the Republican running second) since the top two vote-getters will not be Republicans,” Lesenyie added. “It’s gut check time, time to ask: Is their candidacy a vanity project or a committed and strategic run for governor?”

Hilton, of course, said he believes he’s the committed candidate.

Bianco ' who did not attend the debate, reportedly because of a scheduling conflict ' did not respond to multiple requests for comment for this story.

But in a social media post the day after the debate, Bianco said he is a “doer.”

“If you want to elect a talker, there are plenty of options,” the post said. “If you want a doer, that’s me. Ask the officers under my command who they trust. Ask the business owners who stayed open during COVID.  Ask the people who have been here fighting the fight with me for decades.”

If you want to elect a talker, there are plenty of options.

If you want a doer, that's me.

Ask the officers under my command who they trust.

Ask the business owners who stayed open during covid.

Ask the people who have been here fighting the fight with me for decades.

— Sheriff Chad Bianco (@ChadBianco) February 5, 2026

Although they are both Republicans and both gubernatorial contenders, Bianco and Hilton hail from vastly different worlds.

Hilton, 56, is a British-born global businessman who helped get David Cameron elected as the United Kingdoms prime minister before becoming a Fox News host. He moved to the Bay Area in 2012 and, in 2023, founded Golden Together, a policy organization.

Bianco, who is often seen sporting a cowboy hat, grew up in a small mining town in Utah, moving to Southern California in 1989. Four years later, he graduated from the San Bernardino Sheriffs Academy at, according to his campaign bio, the top of his class.

To many, the 58-year-old is the no-nonsense, law-and-order candidate who championed Proposition 36, the 2024 voter-approved ballot measure that increased penalties for certain drug and retail theft crimes, and has made public safety a pillar of his campaign.

Hilton’s recent attacks on Bianco ' giving him nicknames à la President Donald Trump’s own notorious way for going after political opponents and launching a website that attempts to tie the sheriff to the Black Lives Matter movement in a demeaning way ' is keeping in line with his persona, said Dan Schnur, who teaches political messaging at USC and UC Berkeley.

“He’s a much more aggressive presence on the campaign trail. This strategy reinforces the way he (Hilton) wants voters to think about him,” Schnur said.

Hilton, meanwhile, insisted he’s open to working with Bianco.

And he isn’t asking the other Republican contenders for statewide office he’s running alongside ' lieutenant governor candidate Gloria Romero, attorney general contender Michael Gates and controller contestant Herb Morgan are campaigning as what they’re calling “California’s Golden Ticket” ' to avoid appearing with Bianco at other events. (Gates, for example, is scheduled to appear at a Conservative Patriots of Orange County gathering in Santa Ana with Bianco later this month, according to an invitation for the event.)

Should Hilton prove to be successful and make it through the primary, Schnur does not believe his attacking Bianco will turn away any of the Riverside County sheriff’s Republican supporters in the fall.

“The playbook is much different today than it might have been 10 years ago. Voters are much more tolerant of one member attacking another member of their party than they might have been in the past,” said Schnur.

And whether Bianco actually heeds Hilton’s call to drop out of the race, well, that’s a bit of a long shot, election observers said.

“The goal of Hilton’s message is probably less to convince Bianco to step aside but to convince his voters to switch their allegiance,” Schnur said.

“Assuming that one or the other does finish in the top two in June, they have an uphill fight to November,” he added.

“But you can’t fight that fight unless you get there.”

Staff writer Linh Tat contributed to this report.

That time might be for a board approval. It might be for a tax-deferred exchange to line up. It might be for a buyer of land who wants to secure entitlements before taking ownership.

When that happens, sellers usually ask the same question.

Why should I wait?

The answer depends on the market.

Strong market: Time is a concession

In a strong market, sellers have options. Buyers are plentiful. Properties move quickly. When a buyer asks for extra time, it feels unnecessary and risky.

That reaction makes sense.

Waiting in a strong market means giving up flexibility. It means passing on other buyers. It means betting that nothing changes while the clock runs.

That is why sellers in strong markets rarely agree to wait unless they are compensated.

That compensation can come in several forms.

• A higher price
• Money that becomes non refundable
• Clear deadlines that limit how long the seller is committed

In a strong market, time has value. If a buyer needs more of it, the seller should be paid for it.

Weak Market: Time can be an advantage

Down markets tell a different story. When activity slows, buyers become cautious. Financing tightens. Fewer offers come in. Sellers often discover that speed is no longer the prize it once was.

In those markets, a buyer willing to work through approvals or conditions can be valuable, not problematic.

Time in a weaker market can mean progress instead of stagnation. It can mean a deal that moves forward while others sit still. It can mean locking in a committed buyer when alternatives are uncertain.

In those situations, waiting may reduce risk rather than increase it.

Not all delays are the same

Regardless of the market, sellers should understand why a buyer needs time.

There is a big difference between a buyer who must complete a specific step and one who is simply unsure.

Approvals with clear timelines are different from open-ended requests. A tax-deferred exchange with a signed sale is different from one that is still theoretical. Entitlements already in process are different from those that have not yet begun.

The clearer the reason and the timeline, the safer the delay.

What sellers should focus on

Whether the market is strong or weak, sellers should focus on three simple questions.

• Is the buyer committed?
• Is the timeline clear?
• Am I being protected while I wait?

If those questions are answered well, waiting can make sense. If they are not, it usually does not.

The bottom line: In strong markets, waiting is a concession and should be treated as one.

In weaker markets, waiting can be a strategy.

The key is understanding the difference and structuring the deal accordingly.

Time is neither good nor bad. It is simply a tool. Used properly, it can close deals. Used carelessly, it can cost them.

Allen C. Buchanan, SIOR, is a principal with Lee & Associates Commercial Real Estate Services in Orange. He can be reached at abuchanan@lee-associates.com or 714.564.7104.

She had violated one of the tenets of the Hemet-based His Way Spirit Led Assemblies: Do not question or ignore an order from Shelley “Kat” Martin, the Head Prophetess or, as Byrd has testified, a self-proclaimed oracle who speaks for God.

Years ago, Byrd had learned from her then-10-year-old daughter that the son of a congregant had inappropriately touched a girl. Byrd then told her, against Martin’s wishes, to report any repeat offenses.

So in 2013, Byrd testified on Friday, Feb. 6, in the preliminary hearing for five defendants in a double-murder case, she found herself at one end of the worship room in a Colton home and some 20 other congregants at the other.

“(Martin is) totally flailing, coming down the aisle and speaking with the voice of the Lord: ‘The audacity. THE AUDACITY,’ ” Byrd said, quoting Martin in a loud and deep voice that jolted the San Bernardino Justice Center courtroom. “And she beat me with the microphone,” causing bleeding.

“You know the most. You suffer the most,” Martin screamed, according to Byrd

Martin then said she “released” Byrd’s husband, Tim, from their marriage and claimed him for herself.

“She said, ‘I win, you lose,’ ” Byrd said.

Byrd’s testimony on Friday came on the second day of the hearing to determine whether there is sufficient evidence to hold the defendants for trial.

Martin, 62, is charged with two counts of murder, one for the 2023 disappearance and apparent death of former congregant Emilio Ghanem, 40, and the other for the 2010 death of 4-year-old Timothy Thomas, who authorities say died in the care of the Martins; as well as conspiracy to commit murder. Her husband, Darryl “Muzic” Martin, 58, is charged with murder in Thomas’ death.

Rudy Moreno, 43, and Ramon Duran are charged with murdering Ghanem and conspiracy to commit murder. Timothy’s father, Andre Thomas, is charged with murder in his son’s death.

All have pleaded not guilty.

After Friday’s hearing, the Martins’ attorney, Eugene Carson, urged those following the case to withhold judgment until all the evidence is presented.

“We’re going to fight to prove their innocence. … This case is about credibility,” Carson said.

San Bernardino County Deputy District Attorney Justin Crocker is eliciting from Byrd the history of the religious order starting in the late 1990s in an attempt to show Superior Court Judge Colin J. Bilash that Shelley Martin grew increasingly controlling and violent — perhaps enough to order a killing.

“This case is built around the control these two (Martins) have over these individuals emotionally and physically,” Crocker told Bilash.

Byrd again testified with a witness advocate and the DA’s comfort dog, a black Labrador named Schroeder, by her side. She often paused before answering, appearing to look in the Martins’ direction, and sometimes cried. As on Thursday, the Martins did not outwardly react to Byrd’s testimony.

After the improper touching of a girl, Byrd said, “I told Kathryn Martin. She said the Lord said my daughter was lying to me. For the first time, I went against her. And I told my daughter to tell me if anything happens again.”

In an apparent attempt to underscore the control the Martins had over their congregation, which eventually reached about 30 people, Crocker asked Byrd whether any of the congregants — who Byrd said she considered family that she loved with “all my heart” — came to her aid after Martin attacked her.

None did.

She did smile when she recalled the Martins ordaining her and her husband as ministers at Walt Disney World in 2005.

“It made me feel honored,” Byrd testified.

But around 2007, about seven years after the order relocated to Orange County from Tennessee, the Martins changed how they treated her.

“I was put in punishment by Katheryn Martin and Muzic Martin. That means the privileges that were given within the ministry were stripped from me,” Byrd said, even as she was being elevated in the church hierarchy, eventually attaining the status of Prophetess among the Apostles, Ministers and Pastors. Crocker projected an organizational chart on a courtroom screen.

She was allowed to do little other than eat, sleep and pray. The Martins prohibited Byrd from driving and restricted which services she could attend. While she lived in one home in Colton with Duran and his wife, Byrd’s husband and two daughters resided nearby.

“I didn’t see my children for two and a half years,” Byrd testified.

Gradually, some privileges were restored, Byrd said, as “members at the outreach started asking where I was.”

Byrd was eventually allowed to say “Hello” to her children at services, but nothing else.

Crocker asked Byrd who gave those orders.

“That came from the voice of the Lord through Kathryn Martin,” she replied.

Byrd said congregants would be punished if they violated the “nine dots,” which were daily tasks assigned by the Martins such as making breakfast, preparing the children for school and worshipping. Once, Byrd testified, she made a meal that didn’t turn out right.

“I smirked and I got slapped by Kathryn Martin in front of everybody. Kathryn Martin said it wasn’t her, it was the voice of the Lord,” Byrd said.

Byrd estimated that Martin hit her a half-dozen times over the 15 years she was with the order and struck her children as well. She was “kicked out” in 2015 for reasons she has yet to explain.

Even Darryl Martin couldn’t escape his wife’s wrath, Byrd said.

“He had to walk with his eyes down (in public) because the voice of the Lord told him that he had a problem with looking at other women,” Byrd testified.

The hearing is set to resume on Monday.

Six- and four-inch steel casings to encase underground cameras are shown on Western Avenue where Los Angeles County Sanitation Districts is conducting an investigation into what may have caused a 360-foot deep underground tunnel being created to house larger wastewater pipes to serve the region. (Photo Courtesy of Los Angeles County Sanitation Districts)

Inspection teams on Dec. 8, 2025, were allowed inside the Clearwater tunnel for the first time and will begin with the first 3 miles of the underground structure that experienced a breach at about the 5-mile point under Western Avenue in San Pedro. Dec. 8, 2025. (Photo Courtesy of the Los Angeles County Sanitations Department)

Clearwater project construction at Royal Palms Beach — where the line ends — was suspended in August 2025 following the discovery of Native American artifacts. On Jan. 21, 2025, a Feb. 5, 2026 Clearwater report states, the State Historic Preservation Office authorized Royal Palms Beach construction activities to resume after a five-month archeological investigation. Limited construction work at that location will involve drilling shoring piles. (Photo Courtesy of Los Angeles County Sanitation Districts)

Sonic drill rig on Western Avenue in San Pedro. The equipment is being used to explore a tunneling breach some 360 feet below ground that is being created to house new, larger wastewater pipes. (Photo Courtesy of Los Angeles County Sanitation Districts)